With growing numbers in Albany, DSA is the new kid on the bloc

In the wake of the New York City chapter of Democratic Socialists of America’s congressional primary sweep last week, online prognosticators began to question: Is this the Democratic Party’s Tea Party moment? 

At the national level, the comparison to the movement of conservative Republicans that held sway for a period of time in the House of Representatives may make a degree of sense. 

At the state level, meanwhile, Albany is no stranger to its own complicated politics of powerful voting blocs influencing the direction of the chambers. With DSA winning all but one of its legislative races in New York City, (plus an Assembly election in Buffalo and potentially another one in Syracuse that remains too close to call), perhaps the more apt question is: Is the DSA the new Independent Democratic Democratic Conference? Or the new Long Island Nine (later the Long Island Seven)?

The IDC was a breakaway group of Democrats in the state Senate who conferenced independently starting in 2011 and, after Democrats technically regained a slim majority, formed a power-sharing agreement with Republicans in late 2012 that lasted until 2018. At its height, the group had eight members.

With four socialist state senators and 11 socialist Assembly members expected next year (with potentially more who could officially join the ranks), the DSA will have at least 15 comrades across both chambers. That could represent a powerful voting bloc if they remain in lockstep on issues they care about. But DSA officials don’t have any plans to break off from the Democratic conference to form their own like the IDC did any time soon.

“We don’t need to do that,” socialist state Sen. Kristen Gonzalez told City & State. “When you work on things that are popular, that bring people together – and I think that’s really what we're seeking to – we don’t need to isolate ourselves.” Her top piece of advice for new socialist members: create relationships with colleagues all over the state.

The comparison between DSA and the IDC is, of course, not 1 to 1. “These people would not be the IDC because they would not prevent rightful Democrats from being in the power,” said Shontell Plummer, a former top adviser to state Senate Majority Leader Andrea Stewart-Cousins, including while the IDC was in power. Gonzalez also rejected the comparison, as well as the national comparison to the Tea Party.

During eras of slim majorities, political coups and Albany dysfunction, IDC leaders have maintained that breaking away from the Democratic conference helped get progressive priorities like same-sex marriage and a $15 minimum wage passed by leveraging their numbers. The IDC formalized the structure of power leveraging during a hectic time in the state capital, but the environment is not suited for that anymore.

A more accurate comparison to the growing group of SIOs might be the bloc of votes once known as the Long Island Nine, when Republicans controlled the state Senate, or the Long Island Seven for Democrats when they took over in the chamber. As an informal voting bloc, the suburban lawmakers were able to effectively influence the direction of policy in notable ways, generally pushing issues more towards the middle.

State Sen. Jabari Brisport, now among the longest-serving socialists-in-office in the state Legislature, said he is optimistic about the DSA’s voting bloc potential. He also said the power of the Long Island bloc had specifically come to mind. “I remember them being able to effectively wield their bloc in order to shift things to the right, especially on things like criminal justice,” Brisport said. “I’m excited to see how the socialists can wield our power in a bloc, and maybe even get some legislators that aren’t necessarily socialists to work with us. … I think a lot of us are thinking the New York Health Act might be on the table now.”

Democrats currently hold a super majority in the Assembly of 103 members, and a near-supermajority of 41 members in the state Senate. So the socialist bloc alone doesn’t quite have the numbers yet to exert outsized influence on the legislative process. Four state senators would not prevent bills from coming to a vote, and even with Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie’s preference of having at least 86 “yes” votes before bringing a measure to the floor, mathematically, the 11 incoming socialists also are not yet enough to block particular bills. 

“I think this is a lot of DSA hysteria right now, but at the end of the day, I think the new members will push conferences to consider and discuss issues maybe,” Plummer said. “I don’t think that the additional members will create a bloc that will be obstructionist or stop things from happening or disrupt the day-to-day.” 

Plummer also pointed to “unique” relationships that leaders have with their members, including their DSA members. “Many of the things that these DSA members want are things that most Democrats want, like childcare or the New York Health Act,” she said, adding that most Democratic members are coming from “a common ground.” Both Brisport and Gonzalez made sure to praise the leadership of Stewart-Cousins and her willingness to listen to and work with all her members, including the DSA members. Brisport also specifically thanked her for supporting his reelection.

And for her part, Stewart-Cousins said in a statement to City & State she has no concerns about the growing socialist bloc in her chamber. “The (state) Senate Democratic Conference is a big tent, and we are focused on affordability, equality and standing up for all New Yorkers,” she said. “Our current DSA members have been positive and productive Senators and like all our members helped improve the lives of New Yorkers. Adding new voices and perspectives is always welcomed, as we work together as a unified team for the betterment of New York.”

Speaking to reporters in Schenectady on Thursday, Heastie also emphasized his positive working relationship with his current DSA members. “I’ve had no issues with the current DSA members, and in my conversations with them, they seem excited and looking forward to working with me in the conference,” he said, adding that reporters “make more of this than I do.”

Gustavo Gordillo, co-chair of the NYC-DSA, said that bloc voting is the ideal scenario for all socialists-in-office, but that the organization is more focused on the potential at the federal level where there would be a more slim majority if Democrats win back the House of Representatives. “Let’s say in the Assembly … I don't think 11 ‘no’ votes is really enough to hold up the budget,” Gordillo told City & State. “For something like that to happen, they would have to be organizing non-socialists into a bloc with them. I think that's a good goal, but you know, I don't know if we're there in the (state) Senate.”

Still, Gordillo did not think a new IDC is in the cards. “The Democratic Party caucus in Albany is where all the power is,” he said. “I think there’s no appetite to break away in any formal sense, but obviously we coordinate.”

But if politicians are anything, it’s hungry. And that appetite may grow if the DSA continues to win seats in the state Legislature. “I don't think Carl (Heastie) is concerned about it, because he has 103 mouths to feed right now – and that number may grow right in November – and he tries to feed them all,” said former Assembly Member turned Democratic consultant Mark Weprin, speaking specifically about the potential strength of a DSA bloc in his old chamber. “But obviously, the stronger a bloc is, the more their voices will be heard, and the more they'll want to eat.”

– With reporting from Sophie Krichevsky